I do research
on the performing arts and I am also a theatre director. I
believe scholarship and artistic practice are related
and complementary projects. But
sometimes it feels like the stage is very far away
from the page; like I am occupying two distinct worlds. I
wonder if it might be possible, by combining performance
and scholarship, to explore, question, and hopefully
understand a topic more thoroughly than by either
method alone.
Wayang kulit,
in Balinese society, serves to instruct, entertain, and is religious in intent. Hobart
asserts that wayang kulit is an “active force and organizing principle
in the daily life of people” (172). It is both potent ritual and popular
entertainment. The characters of wayang dominate the imagination
similarly to sports heroes here in the United States. A wayang kulit that
I developed to perform in Ohio and later was able to share in Bali provided
just such a case to test my desire.
In this paper
I will strive to combine academic investigation with details from my final
performance that explore and possibly explode some of the power dynamics in
Balinese wayang kulit. I argue that, wayang, because
of its role in Balinese culture, can interrogate and challenge gender dynamics
of power, and that exploring this thesis in performance provides unique insight
into my understanding of Balinese culture, gender, and wayang.
The Mahabharata,
a Hindu epic, is a common source for wayang kulit performance. I
was intrigued by the story of Draupadi, because she became the wife of all
five Pandawa brothers. In the story, Draupadi’s father, Draupada, wishes
her to marry Arjuna. To this end, Draupada created a test of skill with
the bow and arrow that only Arjuna could pass. When she goes home with
Arjuna she discovers that there are four more brothers, all commanded to share
Arjuna’s prize by their mother. Draupadi agrees to wed them all. The
focus of my story would be on Balinese conceptions of women and power.
The triad of harmony: tri
hita karana, is important to Balinese notions of power. These three elements
of divinity, humanity, and nature must be kept in balance. Human beings
act as the intermediaries between divinity and nature and are responsible for
maintaining the balance. This balance, or duality permeates every part
of life, religion, and space in Bali. Rituals, expressed through the
arts, are an important instrument for negotiating this balance (Sedana 82-83). For
example, if there is an illness in the village it is caused by an imbalance
of the spirits. A ritual performance is held to appease the spirits and
restore balance. Wayang is one such ritual.
In wayang the
balance is expressed through alus and kasar. These
roughly translate into refined and unrefined, or crudely good and evil. Unlike
Christian cosmology where good is supposed to triumph over evil, in Bali, good
and evil must exist together. Too much of one or the other is not a good
thing. Through conventions such as size, color, shape of the facial features,
and tilt of the head and audience can quickly identify a puppet as alus or kasar. Female
characters are generally smaller than the male, which begs the question: are
female characters more alus than the male ones? The answer is
not simple. Marc Benamau notes three different answers to this question:
“1) men are more alus than women, 2) women are more alus than
men, 3) men are both more alus and more kasar than women” (176). In puppetry,
as in life, it seems the wider range of action belongs to the men. Or
does it?
It was important to me that Draupadi was the most alus character
in the performance. It was not enough that
her puppet was the smallest in the story. I
wondered if there were other ways I could communicate
her alusness? Benamou explains that
art in Indonesia cannot be understood in isolation. Each
art is interwoven in context and meaning with the
other arts. Music and movement are just as
important indicators of alus or kasar as
the physical traits of the puppet (271-273). After
I introduce Draupadi there is a section where she
dances alone. Slow flute music plays and her
movements are lingering and gentle.
A central moment in
the Draupadi story, and central to understanding women in Bali is the institution
of marriage. Marriage is when a child becomes an adult and both men and
women can then participate fully in the community. It is another aspect
of harmony because it creates a balance between a man and woman. Unmarried
men and women cannot own property or participate in the governance of their
community unit within the village.
If marriage is the joining
of two separate, but equally balanced halves, how it is possible to account
for Draupadi’s ability to marry five brothers? Does this not tip the
balance and create unrest? Perhaps Draupadi has more power than any one
of the five brothers. But these are the mighty Pandawa! How is
it possible that one female can balance five males?
Megan Jennaway
in her ethnography on women, sexuality, and desire makes a connection between
the ability to speak and the ability to express desire. Women are often
denied subjectivity or agency. “Women can never occupy the role of cogito,
the subject of contemplation. Instead they are condemned to serve as
its object, the object of male contemplation” (22). Desire, and especially
the capability to speak that desire, is linked to political power. She
concludes that in Bali, as elsewhere, “societies which proscribe female sexual
desire frequently proscribe women’s political representation, or right of speech
as well” (27). The word has political and personal significance. I
wanted to harness this significance in my performance.
Most of my performance was spoken in third person
narration. I framed the story as a mother telling
her daughter a story. They could speak, but
all of the characters in the “story” remained silent. Draupada’s
desire to marry his daughter through a contest was
spoken by me, a female dalang (puppeteer),
and not him. The contestants in the contest
were described and never spoke. This changed
at the moment of Draupadi’s decision. The narrator
asked “what was Draupadi going to do?” And
then Draupadi speaks, declaring “I will marry all
five of you. You will each be my husband.” Draupadi
voices her desire. It was important for me
in performance to emphasize her power and my tool
for that was to emphasize her speech.
Jennaway
found that women connected marriage to desire. Women marry to experience
desire, sexual relations, “and hitherto forbidden erotic pleasures” (73). Draupadi
magnifies her desire, sexual power, and therefore her potential for political
power in marrying five men rather than one.
At the center of wayang is the dalang. He,
and traditionally it has always been a “he,” controls
the puppets, story, and directs the music. He
is the central figure and is often compared to a
“king” or “god.” There is much more than the
manipulation of puppets to the dalang’s art. Pedalangan is
the knowledge of his art. It is the interweaving
of myth, religion, philosophy, manipulation, and
many aspects of this complicated art. Traditionally
this art has been passed down from father to son.
The power wielded by the dalang is central
to my performance. At the beginning of the
performance I walked out to the “shadow” side of
the screen. With me I brought a bowl of water,
a necessary element in all of Balinese sacred rituals. By
carrying the water I hoped to indicate the movement
of the performance from the secular to the sacred. I
wanted to create the possibility for a feminine wayang to
occupy the full ritual potential that is often denied
women dalangs. After rinsing my hands
in the water I sit quietly while a flute played and
images of women in Bali flashed on the screen. I
wanted to show women young and old doing everyday
activities. These images were an attempt to
situate this performance as their story.
When the music stopped
I opened my eyes. Only the kayon puppet remains. The kayon at
the beginning of the play performance creates a lineage that links the audience
and storyteller to the past. Kathy Foley explains that it serves to “center
and energize the performer by (1) calling up memories of individuals who have
empowered him [the dalang], (2) drawing in the energy from the right, left,
and four directions into the centered body of the performer, and (3) allowing
the kayon to act as a kind of lightening rod to pull power into the performance
field for the duration of the play” (85). I took the dalang’s
hat and put it on my head, placing myself into the lineage invoked by the kayon.
Even as I attempt to wear the mantle of the dalang and
imagine the feminine voice within the story I am
aware of my white body speaking through an Indonesian
art form. Perhaps it is only possible for me
with my status as an outsider to claim the ritual
role of the dalang. This position
may be denied Balinese women and thus my performance
loses much of its effectiveness. With this
in mind,the other characters who “speak” in the performance
are a mother and daughter who appear at the beginning
and end of the story. The mother was the most kasar female
puppet and the daughter the most alus female
puppet. Their iconography reclaims both sides
of the spectrum, by being the “most.” They
frame and complicate my assumption of the dalang role. They
beg they question, “Whose story is it?”
After the invocation
I cross back behind the screen and begin to use the puppets. The images
of the slides bring the audience through the rice fields and into a house. The
narration, spoken by my partner’s voice, is, “It was early morning. Mother
was already up and at her work. As usual she sang quietly to herself as she
did her household duties.” The mother’s daughter, Usha, wakes up
and asks about one of the names she heard her mother sing. “Who is Draupadi?” Her
mother does not answer this question right away. Finally she says, “Draupadi
was a heroic princess. One who was firm, a woman with an unbending will. She
was greatly devoted to Lord Krishna. Usha, now read your lessons. In
the night I shall tell you the story of Draupadi."
At the end of Draupadi’s
story I returned to Usha and her mother. They have been up all night
telling stories. The mother reminds Usha of Draupadi’s power, “that she
is in no way less than Bima or Arjuna in strength and spirit, valor and virtue.” Usha
thinks for a moment, and then thanks her mother for the story. Usha promises
never to forget it, indicating that the lineage will continue. Like the
art of the dalang passes from father to son, this will pass down from
mother to daughter.
In observing the trend
of the arts academies to teach practice alongside theory and history, Sedana
writes: “Although the effort is young, it seems to offer great promise
of success. Thus the twentieth century will see a new type of Balinese dalang –
one who can perform wayang and explain it for the modern world as
well” (97). I share Sedana’s hope for the intermingling of research and
practice and the influence they might hold. He speaks specifically of
the dalang, but I think it is a valuable model for the current generation
of theatre practitioners and academics.
WORKS CITED
Benamou, Marc. “Chapter 18. Wayang
Character Types, Musical Categories, and a
Reconsideration of the Alus/Kasar Dichotomy.” Puppet
Theatre in Contemporary Indonesia: New Approaches
to Performance Events. Ed. by Jan Mrázek. Ann
Arbor: U of Michigan P, 2002.
Foley, Kathy. “First Things: Opening Passages
in Southeast Asian Puppet Theatre.” Puppet Theatre in Contemporary Indonesia: New Approaches in Performance Events.
Ed. Jan Mrázek. Ann Arbor: Michigan UP, 2002. 84-91.
Hobart, Angela. Dancing Shadows of Bali:
Theatre and Myth. New York: KPI, 1987.
Hobart, Angela, Urs Ramseyer, and Albert Leeman. The
Peoples of Bali. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers,
1996.
Jennaway, Megan. Sisters and Lovers: Women
and Desire in Bali. New York: Rowman and
Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2002.
Sedana, I Nyoman and Kathy Foley. “The Education
of a Balinese Dalang.” Asian Theatre Journal 10.1 (1993): 81-100. |